25 ordspråk av Quentin Kidd

Quentin Kidd

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This isn't the kind of thing that is going to gain momentum on its own. The public isn't going to pay attention to this issue unless it's brought to their attention.

For one, what you see happening in Virginia is that the media and the Virginia Public Access Project do a pretty good job of disclosing the information that is available regarding gifts and trips. That's the main reason that the system works so well. It forces public officials to be transparent.

Despite the fact that gifts are not restricted, and despite the fact that contributions to candidates are not restricted, the per-donor contribution is not higher here than it is in other states, and the cost of campaigns is not higher here than it is elsewhere.

In fact, he has a history of not only serving under a Republican president, but he's endorsed Allen before. His job is to explain to Democratic primary voters why he's a Democrat - and why they should abandon somebody who's been a long-term Democrat and support him in the primary.

Webb will have plenty of opportunities to make his case - that I was a Republican, and now I'm a Democrat, and here's why I'm a Democrat. But I think Miller has an equal amount of opportunity - or greater opportunity - to make the case that I've always been a Democrat, and so you shouldn't abandon me because Johnny-Come-Lately has decided to run against George Allen.

They seem to be still feeling each other out right now.

And I don't think they will - particularly because I don't think that Webb can afford to run a negative campaign in a Democratic primary, since he already has to convince Democratic voters that he's one of them, and running a negative campaign would be counterproductive in that context.

I don't think that the Bush-haters of today are any different that what the Clinton-haters were in the '90s or the Reagan-haters in the early '80s.

It was dirty with Reagan and Iran-Contra and Oliver North. George Bush the elder was a transition president. He didn't create a lot of waves. There wasn't a lot of personal hatred toward him - but if you think back, the personal animosity on the left was directed at Dan Quayle.

When Clinton was elected, a lot of people on the right said it was a fluke, that it wouldn't have happened if Perot hadn't been there. So the right was offended at Clinton's election, because they didn't think it was fair - meaning the ideological right had a reason to be upset, and they expressed what they were upset about.

They pounded away at Clinton on moral issues. They pounded away at Clinton on health care. Politics during the Clinton years becomes really divisive and really personal. Clinton can't do anything without somebody hitting him personally for it.

Let's be fair - politics is a contact sport, and it's always been rough. And it's always been personal, to a degree. Thomas Jefferson had to deal with rumors when he was running for president. We all know that history. It's always been kind of rough. But the degree of dirtiness, and the degree to which it is more personal now, is greater than it's ever been.

Rather than saying I disagree with the policy on Iraq, or I disagree with the policy on health care, it becomes a personal thing. And increasingly, that's what passes for political discourse these days.

The question that he has to answer to Democratic primary voters is that primary voters in either party tend to be the party stalwarts, the banner carriers of the party - and here's a guy who, until whenever he declared a few weeks ago, nobody knew was a Democrat.

If you listen to their comments about each other, the Miller campaign - rather than responding to the announcement that Miller was going to run in a critical way - said we welcome more Democrats to the party. I know that's sort of a backhanded jab at him for being a Republican for most of his life. But neither campaign seems to be turning immediately to the negative.

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