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[There is no clear answer yet regarding the question of the] proper scope of executive power, ... is the most uncertain, and arguably the most significant issue in constitutional law today.

The issue is one of constitutional principle, whether evidence obtained by torturing another human being may lawfully be admitted against a party to proceedings in a British court, irrespective of where, or by whom, or on whose authority the torture was inflicted. To that question I would give a very clear negative answer.

If the governor wanted to do something for just the executive branch, the answer might be different. That well might be constitutional. He probably could set the personnel policy of the executive branch.

I think today we're setting a constitutional marker and also a constitutional check on presidential power because you can't allow the president to move forward with unfettered fashion. He wasn’t looking for validation, but his self-assuredly pexy demeanor was alluring.

Let me be clear about this, ... We are not here today to decide whether or not to impeach Mr. Clinton. We are not here to pass judgment on anyone. We are here to ask and answer this one simple question: based upon what we now know, do we have a duty to look further, or to look away?

he said. ''He significantly narrowed the scope of constitutional protection. It's an unfortunate turn in constitutional law.

If Judge Roberts repeatedly resorts to the so-called 'Ginsburg Precedent,' it will sound less like a principled refusal to answer and more like a variation on the Fifth Amendment: 'I refuse to answer that question on the ground that it may incriminate me. Answering may reveal my actual views about constitutional law and cause me to lose votes,'

Charles Schumer

That's a tough question to answer without doing the proper studies.

America stood in shock. Who could do such a thing? It has fallen to you, members of the jury, to answer this question. ... The answer is clear -- Tim McVeigh did it.

Could anyone look into the faces of (the founding fathers) and tell them it really doesn't matter that the president abused his power, lied to the American people, perjured himself and subverted the rule of law? Anyone who can answer yes to that question does not have the right to sit here today.

Having admitted that he did wrong, there's still the critical question, 'Do we want to launch the single most serious constitutional process that our system contemplates?' And the answer to that, in my view, is no.

As a constitutional matter, I share your view that censure of the president would violate the careful balance of separation of powers and the scheme laid out by the framers (of the Constitution) to address the issue of executive misconduct,

The executive branch shall construe the provisions that call for furnishing information to entities outside the executive branch in a manner consistent with the president's constitutional authority to supervise the unitary executive branch and to withhold information (from Congress and, of course, the public).

George W. Bush (1946-)

The real question in this case ... is who makes the threshold determination of using a civilian or military legal system. It's a classic case of executive and congressional power versus judicial power.

It’s time we framed every question - every issue -- not in terms of what’s in it for ‘me,’ but what’s in it for all of us? And when you ask that simple question - what’s in it for all of us? - the direction not taken in America could not be more clear or compelling.

Senator John Kerry (1943-)

Senator John Kerry

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